Countries around the world are growing increasingly concerned about China’s disruptive role on the global order.

However, there seems to be no emerging consensus among the U.S., Canada, Europe, and Latin America about how to effectively respond to the challenges posed by China.

European countries are divided amongst themselves, along with their transatlantic allies, regarding a common path forward.

They disagree on greater European dependency on Chinese markets and investments and how to counter the increasing threats from Russia.

No one wants to take sides in a great power competition that could create a more existential dilemma.

European countries are constrained by a lack of a common clear, suitable, and feasible vision for the future of Europe, impeding solutions.

Without a responsible understanding of how Europe can effectively cooperate and compete on the global stage, European countries can neither effectively partner with the U.S. nor decisively respond to China.

Defining the future seems to have become a major undertaking for global elites.

None of their visions pass the suitable, feasible, and acceptable tests.

The recent UN Pact for the Future (recently lambasted by Argentinian President Javier Milei at the UN General Assembly), the Draghi report on European competitiveness, and the report of the Conference on The Future Of Europe advance the same ideas: rapid political consolidation under Brussels control that will deliver economies of scale.

This is a dangerous idea that will kill prospects for growth, destroy national sovereignty, and undermine political and civic freedoms.

There are at least 10 European nations who will not accept this paradigm, exacerbating existing divisions and creating an even more serious political divide.

Crafting a viable response to this euro-federalist agenda is crucial if Europe is to remain a viable transatlantic economic and security partner and part of the solution to the China challenge.

This does not mean eviscerating or eliminating the European Union but restoring and protecting core national competencies and sovereignty.

There are many opportunities to draft a joint European-American response to China — ones that avoid a death spiral of stifling consolidation in Europe.

Here are some promising options that prioritize reducing dependency on and military cooperation with China.

These proposals would simultaneously mitigate Chinese spying, intellectual property theft, transnational criminal activity and destabilizing activities or influence operations, as well as Chinese human right abuses.

Defense Industrial Cooperation

Preventing Beijing from dominating Taiwan serves the common interest.

It requires a healthy and constructive debate of how the transatlantic community can contribute to that objective.

Many European nations are reluctant to establish direct bilateral cooperative defense programs that might help Taipei deter military aggression from Beijing.

While European defense cooperation with Taiwan is often neglected, European nations and the U.S. should consider this option more seriously.

AUKUS is a defense cooperation partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

AUKUS could be a model for similar partnerships that may serve to encourage other countries to partner with Taiwan and resist counter-pressure from Beijing.

Pivoting Asia to Europe

South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and India, as well as other Indo-Pacific partners offer alternatives to China to build alliances for growth between Asia, Europe, and America.

While ties between free nations in Europe and the Indo-Pacific are becoming more common, efforts to grow connectivity, cooperation, and partnerships could be greatly accelerated and additional programs may be necessary.

More pragmatic programs that are not funneled through Brussels will require “doers” from across the Eurasia divide to work together to create new futures and opportunities.

Adopt Sound Energy and Environmental Policy

NetZero goals and unrealistic plans for green transition weaken Europe and create more dependencies on China.

European nations need to decisively move away from the green agenda and, in partnership with the U.S., focus on delivering reliable, affordable, and abundant energy as a top strategic priority.

The U.S., Canada, and Mexico must strive to be global energy providers that bring stability, reliability, and low-cost energy to free nations.

Together, the transatlantic community would not only be more prosperous and secure but could also eliminate dependencies on Chinese technologies and materials needed for an efficient market driven green transition.

Expand Free and Open Spaces

Free and open spaces in Europe and the Indo-Pacific can be more interconnected. More specifically, safe, and secure throughput of transit and transport capacity though the Mideast can be substantially expanded.

Doing so will make American, European and Indo-Pacific partners more integrated stakeholders in the stability of the region.

Energy and other resources offer an opportunity for the Caucasus and Central Asia to link to the Middle Corridor, expanding global markets and economic partnerships.

This will induce growth particularly across Northern, Central, and Southern Europe. Such efforts will impede destabilizing activities by China, Iran and Russia.

Moreover, this will create new vehicles for sustained growth that will make the transatlantic community more resilient against Chinese influence.

Enhance Regional Security Deterrence

A secure Europe is a prerequisite for nations to have greater confidence in resisting China. Both the U.S. and Europe recognize that European nations must do their share in the defense of transatlantic security.

However, an independent EU security identity would only undermine this effort. Allied nations must also work together to establish a credible joint deterrent structure against Russia.

While Europeans must do more, America remains a vital and indispensable partner. Additionally, a free and independent Ukraine that can defend itself and prosper is in the best interests of transatlantic security.

Preserve Freedom of Speech and Win the Culture Wars

A confluence of influence that includes foreign powers, non-governmental organizations, and structures within the EU are actively working to undermine free speech and institutions that instill values and traditions in the Western World.

This collateral damage undermines the just rule of law and national sovereignty, as well fundamental human freedoms.

More needs to be done to unite voices across the transatlantic community to protect free speech and traditional values.

Educational institutions have become a particularly important battleground in this competition. Winning the culture wars will deter Beijing’s efforts to divide and conquer and deliver a freer and more self-confident transatlantic community.

Winning on the International Stage

International organizations must combat and dimmish communist Chinese and other authoritarian regime influence.

Other countries should develop cooperative efforts to fight back against such power.

The United Nations original vision and plan must be restored or alternative institutions and structures that protect the interests of free democratic nations based on shared interests should be developed.

Trade, Tariffs, and Sanctions

While there is no consensus on trade policies including tariffs and sanctions, or the role they should play in countering China (as well as Russia and Iran), there are common goals.

No one wants to buy products manufactured from slave labor, every country wants to grow jobs, their economy, and industry, and everyone wants more resilient supply chains.

These are the starting points for a robust dialogue.

It may take some time for the U.S. and European nations to muster the will to mount these joint efforts, but the time to start building the foundation of trust and confidence is now, before it’s too late.

Dr. James J. Carafano is the senior counselor to the president of the Heritage Foundation. Dr. Kiron Skinner is the Taube Family Chair at Pepperdine University’s School of Public Policy and the W. Glenn Campbell Research Fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. Amb. Adrian Zuckerman was the U.S. ambassador to Romania from 2019 to 2021.

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